Editorial: Congress should stop dodging its responsibilities on Iran

Virtually from the moment U.S. bombs started falling on Iran on Feb. 28, the White House has been twisting itself into verbal knots to avoid calling the conflict a "war." On May 1, the president declared that hostilities had officially "terminated," as a fragile ceasefire had been in effect since April 7. When shooting subsequently resumed, the Pentagon described fresh attacks on Iranian naval speedboats as a "clinical application of defensive munitions." Secretary of State Marco Rubio recently reiterated that the war had "concluded" after the U.S. had "achieved the objectives" of Operation Epic Fury.

Most Americans can see through such euphemism. The Republican majority in Congress, which represents them, ought to open its eyes.

Driving these rhetorical gymnastics is the 1973 War Powers Resolution. It requires the White House to notify Congress within 48 hours if U.S. forces engage in hostilities - and then to end the fighting within 60 days unless specifically authorized. That deadline passed on May 1. Meanwhile, other than defeating Democratic-sponsored measures to end the war by smaller and smaller margins, legislators have taken no official position on the Iran conflict. Nor have they explicitly authorized funding for it, since the administration has yet to put forward a supplemental request to cover the cost of operations in the Middle East.

Their reluctance to take a stand is understandable. Even Republicans who back the war know how unpopular it is, including among some of their own voters. Those who oppose it fear crossing the president and potentially losing their next primary. Both camps can fairly argue that they're following bipartisan tradition: Presidents Bill Clinton and Barack Obama used similar dodges to continue air campaigns in Kosovo and Libya past the 60-day deadline.

Indeed, Congress hasn't declared war since 1942 and hasn't formally authorized military force since 2002. No doubt many legislators believed the administration's early pledges that the war would only last a few weeks and, even now, hope a negotiated resolution is near.

Yet ignoring the law is dangerous. The president himself now says the ceasefire with Iran is on "massive life support" as negotiations for a permanent end to the war falter. The White House is reportedly considering a resumption of bombing, or at least a renewed and risky effort to guide commercial vessels through the Strait of Hormuz that could easily escalate.

The costs of Epic Fury - which the administration has lowballed at $29 billion thus far - mount with each day that U.S. naval ships, fighter jets and thousands of troops remain engaged in the region. Even at a lower tempo, the deployment is taking a toll on equipment and manpower, as well as on readiness in other theaters. Any renewed combat would threaten additional U.S. casualties and further drain stockpiles of critical munitions.

The Constitution granted Congress the power to declare war for a reason: It "supposes, what the History of all Governments demonstrates, that the Executive is the branch of power most interested in war, and most prone to it," wrote James Madison. As if to confirm those fears, the White House launched this conflict with little consultation and without seeking the support of voters. As a handful of Republican senators have acknowledged, Congress has a duty to affirm, limit or deny that support.

Republicans control both houses of the legislature. If hawks among them want the administration to "finish the job" in Iran rather than de-escalate, they ought to sit down with the White House to win enough votes to authorize military force - perhaps with a time limit, deadlines for review or other constraints. If they can't, leadership should make plain that continuing down this path risks both a symbolic defeat on future war powers votes and, more important, a rebuke in midterm elections this fall. Behind the scenes, congressional leaders should meet with the president and convince him to find a diplomatic exit as quickly as possible.

For decades, Congress has ceded more and more power and responsibility to the executive, especially when it comes to military force. Ordinary Americans - not to mention the troops bound to defend them - deserve better.

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The Editorial Board publishes the views of the editors across a range of national and global affairs.

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